Fascism, what is it? And why is everyone talking about it?

Hannah Arendt was one of the most influential political philosophers of the twentieth century. Born into a German-Jewish family, she was forced to leave Germany in 1933 during the height of Nazi rule, living in exile in Paris for the next eight years before migrating to the United States. 

Arendt was a fierce critic of the Nazi party at a time when Jewish people were the main target of fascism during the Nazi’s brutal reign of Germany. She recognised the signs before they came into power, and knew that her people, the Jewish community, were in danger. Her writing has built an understanding of historical fascism in terms of how a society can become dominated by this harmful ideology. 

This article aims to clarify what fascism is and why it is a topic of discussion, utilising historical analysis as a tool to understand the characteristics of fascism and how we can resist the formation of a fascist regime. This has become especially important as we are witnessing traits of fascism take root in the UK.

The UK political landscape has seen a growing normalisation of far-right rhetoric across multiple parties. The rise of parties like Reform and the authoritarian tendencies within some mainstream parties have raised significant concerns. Statements by political leaders that echo divisive and xenophobic sentiments, such as references to the UK as “an island of strangers”, draw disturbing parallels to historic speeches like Enoch Powell’s infamous Rivers of Blood.  These patterns underscore the importance of scrutinising political language for signs of alignment with fascist characteristics, as outlined in this guide.

Fascism isn’t something that suddenly appears; it is crafted, it brews slowly until it is allowed to take root, until what was once deemed heinous becomes the new normal. In this way, fascism is allowed to prosper. However, by understanding the implications of fascism, we recognise that it is a necessary responsibility to acknowledge and resist it with all our might. 

In its essence, fascism is a far-right, authoritarian political ideology and system of government that is characterised by:

• Authoritarian control: centralised power in a single leader or party
• Extreme nationalism: belief in the superiority of one nation
• Suppression of opposition: censorship, political repression, and the use of violence to silence dissent
• Militarism: emphasis on military power and aggressive enforcement of state control
• Control of society and economy: strong state influence or control over public and private life, often rejecting liberal democracy and individual rights.

How fascism came to be

Historically, fascism is often associated with leaders like Benito Mussolini in Italy and Adolf Hitler in Nazi Germany during the 20th century.

Several signs signalled the rise in fascism in Germany. The first of which was the economic crisis imposed by heavy sanctions from the Treaty of Versailles, whereby the Allied and Associated Governments, including France, the United States, Britain, and Italy, asserted in the War Guilt clause that Germany and it’s allies were responsible for all the “loss and damage” caused by the war. 

The perceived injustice of the War Guilt clause led Germans to foster a deep sense of national humiliation and resentment. Driving a desire for Germany to be led by a strong leader who would restore the country to its so-called glory days before WW1. The rise of populist ideologies, which refer to the idea of a common people, promoting division by emphasising an “us versus them” mentality, was also a signifier at the time.

The exploitation of the economic situation, the feelings of humiliation and resentment, as well as, the hopelessness and lack of power for the ordinary person, made the perfect storm for the Nazi’s gain to popularity. They tapped into all these anxieties and drove the German public to find an enemy to direct their anger towards, that enemy became the Jewish community, Roma, Black and racialised communities, disabled people, members of the LGBTQIA+ community and anyone not deemed the epitomy of what the Nazi’s saw as the Aryan standard of German, someone who was white, fair haired and blue-eyed.

This led to widespread anti-Semitism, white supremacy, and antisocialism. Other political ideologies were labelled as treason, including communism and anarchism, with the Nazi’s employing various methods to suppress political dissent. 

It’s important to understand the signs of fascism and how fascist ideologies can embed itself into the hearts and minds of a once democratic society. Fascism doesn’t happen overnight; it is an ideology that is brewed slowly over time. At first, the general public may not necessarily notice the signs, usually because historically oppressed communities are often the ones who bear the brunt first. This means that the wider public and dominant identities, such as white, cisgender and non-disabled men,  within any given society may accept harmful ideas and behaviours as the impact of them has not yet been felt, thus normalising authoritarian actions. 

Over the past few years, you may have heard the terms fascism and authoritarianism used interchangeably. You’ve probably seen it in mainstream media, and you’ve probably heard scholars use it to describe recent and current governments the world over. The term is often used, but not necessarily understood. Before we delve into the ideology, we must understand the type of leadership style it’s underpinned by, because fascism does not exist without authoritarianism.

What is authoritarianism?

Authoritarianism is defined as a system of power in which there is an unquestioning submission to authority and the repression of freedom of action and individual thought. It often manifests as the repression of dissent and the rise and restriction of civil liberties and political rights. 

An authoritarian regime is one in which power is concentrated in the hands of a single person or a small group of individuals. It is where power becomes replaced by dominance. Instead of sharing power with the public, power is shared over the public.

It is a term that is often used to describe the opposite of a democratic government. However, certain types of authoritarian regimes appear democratic, in that the transition of government is still possible and is made with people having some say in who they would like to be in charge.

Authoritarian regimes are often categorised into seven distinct types based on how power is maintained and distributed. To understand how fascism manifests in governance, it is helpful to recognise the various types of authoritarian regimes that democratic governments may fall prey to.

Understanding different types of authoritarian regimes

Almost 50 years ago, Stuart Hall, a Jamaican-British academic, writer and cultural studies pioneer, coined the term “authoritarian populism” to describe how right-wing governments would stir up irrational “moral panics” around crime, immigration, left-wing politics and the acceptance of LGBTQIA+ identities. Authoritarian populism saw crime as being explicitly committed by Black and Brown people, left-wing politics as a radical subversion and LGBTQIA+ identities as a perverse agenda.

Today, Hall’s work continues to provide a blueprint for understanding and resisting the resurgence of authoritarianism and right-wing populism. Providing insight into the idea that authoritarianism does not necessarily require rebranding. Right-wing political leanings essentially lay the groundwork for authoritarianism, whether under a Labour, Conservative or Liberal government. 

In the past 50 years, if not more, authoritarian populism may accurately describe what we have witnessed in the U.K. The targets for moral panic may shift, but the underpinnings of that panic remain the same.

To truly understand fascism, we must understand authoritarianism and the regimes which swallow societies whole. These different types of authoritarian regimes include

1. Personalist Regimes

This type of leadership relies on loyalty and a cult of personality. Examples include North Korea, under Kim Jong-un and the Central African Republic under Faustin-Archange Touadéra.

2. Single Party-Regimes

Strong party institutions and bureaucracies define this type of regime. Examples include China, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, and Cuba, under the leadership of the Communist Party. 

3. Military Regimes 

Military regimes are led by military officers or juntas (militarised political groups), prioritising order and national security. Examples include Myanmar under junta rule, Egypt under a military council following Hosni Mubarak’s departure, and Chile under Pinochet. 

4. Monarchies (Absolute)

Monarchies are defined by succession through the bloodline, with no checks on royal authority,  incorporating elements of tradition or religious legitimacy. Examples include Saudi Arabia, Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), and Brunei. 

5. Hybrid or Competitive Authoritarian Regimes

Hybrid or Competitive Authoritarian regimes are defined by a political landscape that favours one party.  Examples include Russia under Vladimir Putin, Turkey under Recep Erdogan, Venezuela under Nicolás Maduro and Hungary under Viktor Orbán. 

6. Theocratic Regimes

Theocratic regimes are characterised by laws often based on religious doctrine, with the clergy holding ultimate power. Examples include the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Vatican City, which operates under papal rule.  

7. Oligarchic regimes

These elites govern for their collective benefit rather than for the public good, a single individual, or an ideological cause, where decision-making is shared among a narrow elite circle. Examples include post soviet states like Russia in the 1990s, before Putin took over. Additionally, Guatemala today and during periods of elite dominance.

A Short History of Fascism

Now that we’ve covered that. It’s time to answer the everlasting question: What is fascism, and why is everyone talking about it? The Oxford Dictionary describes fascism as:

While this definition may capture the essence of fascism in governance, it barely scrapes the surface.

Benito Mussolini, Italy’s former Prime Minister, is often credited with inventing fascism. However, fascism existed long before Mussolini, particularly when considering how the colonies were governed under the British Empire. However, what he did was coin the term with the debut of his party, “Fasci Italiani di Combattimento,” the precursor to his fascist party, on March 23, 1919, in Milan. It would also be more accurate to say that he promoted a specific brand of fascism, helped by the distinctive uniform he chose for the party. 

Mussolini’s form of fascism was marked by ruling under a one-party dictatorship, as well as suppression of dissent through violent means, resulting in a climate of fear, involving harassing and brutalising opposition. Perhaps one of the most clear examples of his style of leadership was fostering a cult of personality around himself, made evident through oratory, paramilitary Blackshirt political violence, and the propaganda peddled through his state-owned media and press. 

When it came to finance, Mussolini implemented economic policies known as “economic dirigisme,” which involved state intervention and direction of economic production and resource allocation. After allying with Hitler,, he implemented the Race Laws in 1938 targeting Italy’s Jewish community. 

Mussolini’s brand of fascism served as a model for other fascist movements, including the Nazi party of Germany, Portugal’s National Union and various British fascist groups such as the British Union of Fascists. 

The Italian dictator was by no means the inventor of fascism, nor was he of authoritarianism. The school of thought which defined Italian fascism and inspired several brutal movements after was largely influenced by the philosopher and politician Giovanni Gentile, who wrote the 1925 Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectuals. Gentile later went on to write part of the 1932 “The Doctrine of Fascism” with Mussolini.

Yet, fascism as an ideology was active long before Mussolini, especially when you look at European colonialism. Academics argue that fascism got its learnings from European colonialism in how colonised countries were often under militarised colonial rule and stripped of any power to oppose this new ruling. However, colonised people rose and continued to fight back through uprisings. With many systematically murdered and tortured for engaging in dissent. The dehumanisation of Black, indigenous and racialised people was prevalent in that they were often, raped, tortured and murdered by colonisers.

Aimé Césaire sums the relationship between European colonialism and fascism in his seminal book Discourse on Colonialism when he said:

Césaire argued that colonialism brutalises the coloniser and that fascism was essentially colonial violence turned inward upon Europe. Fascism has become a term for dominant people to understand the violence that dominant identities are being subjected to in Western countries. However, long before countries like Portugal and the United Kingdom set their sights on Africa, the Americas, and Asia, and long before the term was even coined, the ideology was already in action on European shores. 

This is because violence and propaganda exist part and parcel with any country that is built around a capitalist system, especially countries which see the monarchy as anointed by God. Countries that have a distinct class system and that enjoy hierarchical structures are often countries that engage in fascist behaviour. 

In order to understand where I’m going with this, we’ll need to dive into the characteristics of fascism.

The Characteristics of Fascism

Fascism is often described in a historical sense, as though it doesn’t happen in real time and is a thing of the past. Still, more recently, activists, academics, journalists, and politicians have started to use the term more frequently, recognising that fascism doesn’t just happen overnight; it unfolds in the light of day, step by step, strategically, until people feel the freedom to say the quiet part out loud. 

Umberto Eco, an Italian philosopher, essayist, and semiotician, defined fascism by 14 characteristics in a 1995 essay “Ur-Fascism.” Eco grew up under Mussolini’s fascist regime and claimed that Italian fascism wasn’t a special brand, but was instead defined by a way of dressing. Arguing that wherever fascism takes root, it is defined by the national culture surrounding it. 

In terms of the 14 characteristics of fascism, Eco warned,

This is an essential point because it shows that fascism can be defined by one feature; however, once its seed is planted, other harmful characteristics may follow. 

Eco’s 14 characteristics included:

1. The cult of tradition
2. Rejection of modernism
3. Cult of action for action’s sake
4. Disagreement is a treason
5. Fear of difference
6. Appeal to a frustrated middle-class
7. Obsession with a plot
8. Enemies are simultaneously too strong or too weak
9. Pacifism is trafficking with the enemy
10. Contempt for the weak
11. Everybody is educated
12. Machismo and Weaponry
13. Selective Populism
14. Newspeak

What Eco was emphasising through his essay was how these traits can resurface in different combinations and mutate in modern contexts. He was saying that fascism is not a thing of the past; it is a current threat. A threat which can appear subtly at first, even within democracies like our own, often under the guise of patriotism, criminal justice or cultural revival.

Most scholars recognise modern fascism as neo-fascism, a term which came about after WW2. It is different from historical fascism in that it incorporates modern political discourse, such as populism, and weaponises identity politics regarding immigration, ethnicity, race and gender to garner support. Neo-fascism also uses emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), social media and digital platforms to spread their ideology and recruit members. 

However, as Eco said, fascism is as fascism does; the characteristics can be applied to a modern context, and should be used as a guide to understand the current context.

What are the signs of fascism in the UK?

There have been several signs that fascism has been brewing over the past decade, under the Conservatives and now under the current Labour government. This has been exemplified by the hostile environment, the focus on law and order in increasing policing and surveillance, the stripping of freedom of assembly, the interference with political voting, the increase in propaganda, the interference with media and press, the collaboration with a genocidal state, amongst other things. 

1. The most evident trait of fascism that we are currently facing in the U.K. is the treatment of disagreement as treason. 

This has occurred under both Conservative and Labour governments. Particularly, in their intolerance of dissent through legislation like the Police, Crime and Sentencing Bill and the recent arrests, charges, convictions and raids of activists engaging in peaceful direct action. Some of which have taken place before activists have even had the opportunity to engage in said dissent. 

Furthermore, activists and community organisers have had unprecedentedly harsh sentences handed down to them. Climate justice activists from Just Stop Oil and anti-genocide activists from Palestine Actions are facing some of the harshest sentences in modern history for peaceful protest. A recent report showed that the Israeli Embassy has been interfering with the court cases of Palestine Action activists. In addition to this, our civil society’s freedom to vote for bills or causes they care about is being restricted, with MPs under Starmer routinely facing punishment for speaking out against the party. New barriers have also been established regarding voting in elections, which include having an approved ID, a requirement that many in the UK do not necessarily have access to. 

In addition to the above, we have seen the censorship of people protesting against genocide. This has been shown to us in how the BBC has been reporting on Israel’s unfolding genocide in Gaza and the West Bank, with the constant avoidance of naming the harm and stating who the perpetrators are when Palestinians, aid workers, medical staff and journalists are unalived. 

It’s essential to recognise that the BBC is subject to both government influence and a degree of editorial independence. However, it prides itself on impartiality, but this impartiality is all but a myth as government interests are often reflected in its reporting. Even independent bodies such as the Independent Office of Police Conduct (IOPC) are not wholly independent as more than 40% of staff are previous police officers, and the police reports to the Home Office, which is a government body.

2. The fear of difference has also been highlighted by the current Labour government and the previous Conservative government. 

This trait has been exemplified in the government’s upholding and expanding of Prevent, a counter-terrorism framework widely criticised for disproportionately targeting Muslims and conflating dissent.

Fear of difference has also been evident in legislation proposed by the Conservatives under the Illegal Immigration Act 2023 and now by Labour with the Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Bill 2025. Both pieces of legislation are essentially scapegoating tools using people who have been forcefully displaced from their countries of birth and are in search of refuge and sanctuary to stir moral panic. Both bills absolve the UK of its responsibility regarding the arms trade and the underdevelopment of countries that were once part of the British Empire.

We have been witnessing fascist practices played out on our screens and in our streets. Through the increase in deportations, detention centres like the Bibby Stockholm becoming the norm, the restriction of freedom of assembly (now defeated in court by Liberty), and the increase in raids, surveillance and incarceration of peaceful activists, as well as, the policing of transgender and gender expansive people being subjected to strip searches when trying to use the bathroom. 

The government has set its target on transgender and gender expansive community. They represent progression, because they are a threat to the establishment in regards to white supremacist ideologies such as the nuclear family.

Most recently, the UK Supreme Court has ruled that existing equalities legislation will not protect trans people from sex discrimination according to their preferred gender, which means that the definition of “sex”, “man” and “woman” in the Equality Act refers to “biological sex”. This is further proof that authoritarianism views trans people as a threat to cisheteropatriarchal standards,

3. Machismo and weaponised sexuality have been seen in the rollback of trans rights and abortion rights.

The UK Supreme Court Ruling on the definition of gender shows how fascist characteristics, machismo and weaponised sexuality are being used to marginalise further not only transgender women and gender expansive people but also cisgender women. The idea that the UK Supreme Court Ruling will protect cisgender women from being harmed by trans women who, according to anti-trans campaigners, disguise themselves as such to carry out sexual attacks, is entirely baseless. 

The very idea that transgender and gender expansive women are more prone to harming cisgender women is not a fact-based assumption, and again, is part of the moral panic fascism uses to distract and divide communities. This is a clear example of Stuart Hall’s authoritarian populism. 

Another example of machismo in UK modern politics is the potential threat to the right to abortion. At the time of writing this guide, abortion is still not legal in many parts of the UK. Only in Northern Ireland do women have the right to an abortion. As elsewhere, they are exempt from prosecution if it is determined that they have met certain access conditions. This is because under an ancient 1861 English law, it’s a crime for a woman to “procure a miscarriage,” although a 1967 act of parliament allows for abortion up to 24 weeks into a pregnancy, as long as several conditions are met and two doctors provide a sign-off.

This law has been exercised by prosecutors across the country who have penalised and criminalised people with abortion provider MSI, stating it knows of up to 60 criminal inquiries in England and Wales since 2018, compared with almost zero before.

The anti-abortion movement in the US has set its sights on the UK, with politicians like Nigel Farage arguing parliament should debate a reduction in the time limit under which women can secure a termination.

All of this talk is essentially about cisheteropatriarchal men asserting their right to control women’s bodies, because in their eyes, women cannot be trusted with their bodily autonomy and should be policed accordingly. 

4. The appeal to a frustrated class is also another characteristic of fascism. 

Notably, the current government has adopted right-wing policies and speaking points to appeal to the far right. Another clear example of this is the government’s decision to restrict Pip (Personal Independence Payments, which many disabled people rely on to survive. The contempt for the weak is also a characteristic that rings true in the government’s reform of the welfare system. Instead of offering more support, they have chosen to pull funding from a community that already largely lives in deep and consistent poverty.

5. Another clear example is the characteristic of “pacifism is trafficking with the enemy.” 

This has been made clear with the UK’s complicity in the genocide of Gaza, the West Bank and Palestine. As the UK has been selling arms to Israel (Historic Palestine), it makes it guilty of aiding and abetting genocide. This is because Israel (Historic Palestine) has been charged with genocide by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Furthermore, there have been incidents where politicians who are complicit in the genocide, such as Foreign Secretary David Lammy, have labelled it a genocide, with the Labour government shortly after releasing a statement saying this is not the case. 

What Umberto Eco’s characteristics of fascism tell us about the UK’s current political landscape is that fascism has made a resurgence in the UK; it is planting its seeds as we speak. It may not look “exactly” like the history books. Still, we have entered an age where groups experiencing marginalisation, including the transgender, disabled, migrant, Arab and Muslim communities, as well as Black people, are the targets of heightened systemic violence, and this hate is being stirred up by politicians lobbied by religious extremists and the oligarchy. 

What this all demonstrates is that fascism can emerge in a democratic society and through democratic means. Mussolini’s fascist regime was allowed to flourish using democratic powers to take over Italy. In the UK, fascism is a growing threat; the seeds have been planted. Whilst the UK still has a civil society, judicial independence, a free press, and elections, all these institutions have been interfered with, and some are even facing corruption.

Fascism weakens democratic ways of governance before it is in a position to take over. By undermining the very systems that give voice to the public, fascism is allowed to prosper unchecked. 
However, there is hope, as many of our democratic institutions remain intact. We can use democratic ways of resisting fascism, as well as grassroots organising with direct action. This is why it is essential to protect those institutions at all costs, it is why anti-fascism as a movement needs nurturing.

What is anti-fascism?

Anti-fascism is a political movement opposing authoritarianism. It has evolved over the years and looks different in each country, but in its essence, it should always be in antithesis to fascism and any ultra-nationalist movement. The UK and Europe have a long history of anti-fascist resistance. 

During the Nazi regime of Germany, various youth groups like The White Rose resisted fascism through the dissemination of educational pamphlets. Education has always been a tool used in resistance to fascism because fascist regimes view critical thinking and the education of the masses regarding history and culture as a threat. 

When it comes to anti-fascist organising in the United States, the 1930s saw Black American anti-fascist activism with the Double V campaign — victory against fascism abroad and racism at home. A more modern example can be found in the anti-fascist solidarity during the Black Lives Matter movement, which saw anti-fascist groups create a police-free ‘autonomous zone’ by taking over several blocks of buildings. 

Another notable mention is the International Brigades, which fought against Franco’s fascist military during the Spanish Civil War. The International Brigades have inspired more modern forms of anti-fascist organising. The YPG International, also known as the People’s Protection Units International, is a military unit within the Syrian Democratic Forces that comprises foreign fighters and has been establishing and defending an autonomous zone in Rojava, the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. 

True anti-fascism should be anti-racist at its core, because fascism is more or less a white supremacist ideology. This is because it always labels the historically oppressed as other and inferior to dominant identities, who are often white or have a closer proximity to whiteness.

What can we learn from past anti-fascist movements?

Anti-fascism teaches us not just how to resist authoritarianism, but also what it truly means to defend human dignity, pluralism and democracy in times of crisis. It is a movement that offers practical, moral, and political lessons that have been used throughout time to resist various fascist regimes, providing hope within the community and among people rather than relying on political leadership.

The anti-fascist movement taking place during the Nazi regime in Germany have taught us that recognising and resisting authoritarian tendencies is crucial — before they are allowed to take form as a fully fledged regime.

Desmond Tutu, South African Anglican Bishop and Theologian, taught us that:

What Tutu was telling us is that injustice requires active opposition, not passive observation. We cannot simply document the unfolding of a genocide; we must act against it. What each anti-fascist movement has taught us is that critical thinking is an essential form of resistance. Fascist regimes consider critical thinking a threat; they do not want a society which is able to think independently. For a society which can think independently, can also organise effectively.

The International Brigade taught us that solidarity across differences is necessary in the fight against fascism. The International Brigade brought together leftists, liberals and centrists to overcome Franco’s regime. 

Additionally, Anti-fascism teaches us that direct action and civil disobedience have power, and that small acts of defiance can build collective strength, hope, and disrupt authoritarian systems. We have witnessed this with the work of the former climate action group against fossil fuels, Just Stop Oil, anti-genocide groups closing down weapons factories and carrying out direct action by blocking roads, Palestine Action and Youth Demand. 

Anti-fascist organising also reminds us that democracy requires defence, not assumption, and that nothing is static, with courts, elections and media falling foul of fascist practices. This teaches us that active civic engagement is necessary to preserve democratic institutions. 

Perhaps one of the most essential acts of anti-fascist memory is preserving the learnings because fascist regimes will always try to rewrite or erase history to justify their power. We are seeing this happen in real time in the United States, where museums are being tasked with closing down exhibitions relating to America’s brutalisation of Black people through the enslavement of Black bodies.

At the same time, schools and libraries are following court orders and banning books that speak to the Black experience. As well as this, women, transgender people and racialised people are being erased from United States government websites. 

Fascism is living and breathing in real time; to defeat it, we must do more than just observe and document. We must go beyond our ideas of safety to ensure that we are in direct opposition to it. We must teach people how to think critically, but in collaboration with communities who are being targeted as pawns, i.e the white working class. We must create learning groups and access to community that helps combat the isolation of communities experiencing deep and persistent poverty, we must engage in civil disobedience when we are called to it, and we must call out fascism whenever and wherever we see it, loudly and disobediently.

What can you do today to resist the rise in fascism?

To resist the rise of fascism today, there are many actions you can take. One of the most important things you can do is join a direct action group, as well as learn from the past, so you can build tools to resist the present threat. You can also set up inclusive reading clubs to bring in other members of your community and people who experience isolation.

You can set up workshops to share your learnings and organise educational events rooted in sharing direct action strategies and ways to cultivate connection and belonging in your community. Because fascism loves isolation and division, if you can combat this, you’re on the right track to resistance.

Zoe Daniels, they/them, is a wearer of many hats. A Brand and Marcomms and Racial Justice consultant for Spark Insights and JMB Consulting, a baddy writer, hopeless romantic poet, community organiser and stand-up comedian when they feel like it. Connect with them on LinkedIn; they would love to meet you!

This guide was developed for Spark & Co. in June 2025. It will next be reviewed in June 2026.